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<B>
Blair, Tony
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★ Blair, Tony

February: Following the inauguration of Barack Obama as president of the United States, his predecessor, George W Bush, is arrested leaving the Church of the Holy Crusader in his home town of Crawford, Texas.  He is flown to The Hague in War Criminal One.  (See above for prosecution details.)  Laura Bush, after a plea bargain, agrees to give evidence against the former president, ‘for God’s sake’.

March: Former vice-president Dick Cheney shoots himself in the foot hunting squirrels following a prayer breakfast in Hope, Florida.  John Pilger, article New Statesman ‘The Good News For 2009, A Seasonal Wish List’

 

 

There was a great deal of publicity and empathy last week for the four tourists, two of them Britons, murdered in Yemen.  There has been nothing for the 68 Iraqi civilians murdered by the American and British governments shortly before Christmas.

 

The parallels between the two attacks are striking.  Both were premeditated lawless acts for political ends, and they are connected.  It is likely the Britons died as a direct consequence of their own government's criminal actions in Iraq.

 

This, and the real danger of revenge attacks, was clearly not a consideration when the bellicose figure of Tony Blair rose in parliament to play Palmerston, and George Robertson pleaded the case for state murder, then disclaimed it in the letters columns of The Guardian.  ‘We believe,’ he wrote, ‘that none of the munitions that missed [their targets] hit civilian targets’.  Note that the word he chooses is believe, not know or can verify.

 

Consider this Defence Secretary.  Shortly after the election, Robertson proposed a military experience for new Labour MPs who, he said, should spend at least 21 days ‘getting to know’ life with the troops.  He described the head of Indonesias murderous special forces, a kind of Waffen-SS responsible for genocide in East Timor, as ‘an enlightened officer, keen [on] human rights’.  He further distinguished himself by making clear his government was prepared to use tactical nuclear weapons against Iraq.

 

As for Blair, his platitudes misled parliament and us all.  Far from ‘punishing’ Saddam Hussein, the real Anglo-American objective is to secure an American oil protectorate to the Caspian Sea, along with isolating Iraq, so that its high-quality crude oil, 20 per cent of the world’s reserves, is not allowed to flow into the international market and force down the price of Saudi oil.  Shoring up Saudi Arabia is critical for American and British capital; most of the British arms industry is dependent on the al-Yamamah deal with Saudi sheikhs.

 

To this end, Blair and Robertson approved the equivalent of hundreds of Omagh bombs hurled at a country where an estimated million children have died as a result of sanctions.  This is a silent holocaust which Ethical Man Robin Cook disingenuously denies while another 5,000 children die every month.  When you next hear Blair and Straw and Blunkett lecturing us on morality, on the importance of the family and doing your homework, think of their governments crime in the Gulf.  John Pilger, article 8th January 1999 ‘The Press is Obsessed With Petty Vendettas While British Ministers Continue to Support a Silent Holocaust

 

 

Muted by the evidence of the Anglo-American catastrophe in Iraq, the humanitarian war party ought to be called to account for its forgotten crusade in Kosovo, the model for Blair's onward march of liberation.  Just as Iraq is being torn apart by the forces of empire, so was Yugoslavia, the multi-ethnic state that uniquely rejected both sides in the cold war. 

 

Lies as great as those told by Bush and Blair were deployed by Clinton and Blair in their grooming of public opinion for an illegal, unprovoked attack on a European country.  Following the same path as the build-up to the invasion of Iraq, the media coverage in the spring of 1999 was a series of fraudulent justifications, beginning with the then US defence secretary William Cohen’s claim that weve now seen about 100,000 military-aged [Albanian] men missing … they may have been murdered.  David Scheffer, the then US ambassador-at-large for war crimes, announced that as many as 225,000 ethnic Albanian men aged between 14 and 59 may have been killed.  Blair invoked the Holocaust and the spirit of the Second World War.  The British press took its cue.  ‘Flight from genocide, wrote the The Daily Mail.  ‘Echoes of the Holocaust, chorused The Sun and The Mirror.  In parliament, the heroic Clare Short compared to Nazi propagandists those (such as myself) who objected to the bombing of defenceless people. 

 

By June 1999, with the bombardment over, international forensic teams began subjecting Kosovo to minute examination.  The American FBI arrived to investigate what was called the largest crime scene in the FBI’s forensic history.  Several weeks later, having not found a single mass grave, the FBI went home.  The Spanish forensic team also returned home, its leader complaining angrily that he and his colleagues had become part of a semantic pirouette by the war propaganda machines, because we did not find one  not one  mass grave

 

In November 1999, the Wall Street Journal published the results of its own investigation, dismissing the mass grave obsession.  Instead of the huge killing fields some investigators were led to expect … the pattern is of scattered killings [mostly] in areas where the separatist Kosovo Liberation Army has been active.  The Journal concluded that Nato stepped up its claims about Serbian killing fields when it saw a fatigued press corps drifting toward the contrary story: civilians killed by Nato’s bombs … The war in Kosovo was cruel, bitter, savage.  Genocide it wasnt. 

 

One year later, the International War Crimes Tribunal, a body in effect set up by Nato, announced that the final count of bodies found in Kosovo’s mass graves was 2,788.  This included combatants on both sides and Serbs and Roma murdered by the Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army.  Like Iraq’s fabled weapons of mass destruction, the figures used by the US and British governments and echoed by journalists were inventions  along with Serbian rape camps and Clinton’s and Blairs claims that Nato never deliberately bombed civilians. 

 

Code-named Stage Three, Natos civilian targets included public transport, hospitals, schools, museums, churches.  ‘It was common knowledge that Nato went to Stage Three [after a couple of weeks], said James Bissett, the Canadian ambassador in Belgrade during the attack.  ‘Otherwise, they would not have been bombing bridges on Sunday afternoons, and market places. 

Nato’s clients were the Kosovo Liberation Army.  Seven years earlier, the State Department had designated the KLA as a terrorist organisation in league with al-Qaeda.  In 1999, KLA thugs were feted; Robin Cook, then foreign secretary, allowed them to call him on his mobile phone.  ‘The Kosovar Albanians played us like a Stradivarius violin’, wrote the former UN commander in Bosnia, Major General Lewis MacKenzie, last April.  ‘We have subsidised and indirectly supported their violent campaign for an ethnically pure Kosovo.  We have never blamed them for being the perpetrators of the violence in the early 1990s, and we continue to portray them as the designated victim today, in spite of evidence to the contrary.

The trigger for the bombing of Yugoslavia was, according to Nato, the failure of the Serbian delegation to sign up to the Rambouillet peace conference. What went mostly unreported was that the Rambouillet accord had a secret Annex B, which Madeleine Albright’s delegation had inserted on the last day.  This demanded the military occupation of the whole of Yugoslavia, a country with bitter memories of the Nazi occupation.  As the Foreign Office minister Lord Gilbert later conceded to a Commons defence select committee, Annex B was planted deliberately to provoke rejection. 

Equally revealing was a chapter dealing exclusively with the Kosovan economy.  This called for a free-market economy and the privatisation of all government assets.  As the Balkans writer Neil Clark has pointed out: The rump Yugoslavia … was the last economy in central-southern Europe to be uncolonised by western capital.  Socially owned enterprises, the form of worker self-management pioneered under Tito, still predominated.  Yugoslavia had publicly owned petroleum, mining, car and tobacco industries …’ 

At the Davos summit of neoliberal chieftains in 1999, Blair berated Belgrade, not for its handling of Kosovo, but for its failure to embrace economic reform fully.  In the bombing campaign that followed, it was state-owned companies, rather than military sites, that were targeted.  Nato’s destruction of only 14 Yugoslav army tanks compares with its bombing of 372 centres of industry, including the Zastava car factory.  ‘Not one foreign or privately owned factory was bombed, wrote Clark. 

Erected on the foundation of this huge lie, Kosovo today is a violent, criminalised, UN-administered free market in drugs and prostitution; unemployment is 65 per cent.  More than 200,000 Serbs, Roma, Bosniaks, Turks, Croats and Jews have been ethnically cleansed by the KLA, with Nato forces standing by.  KLA hit squads have burned, looted or demolished 85 Orthodox churches and monasteries, according to the UN.  The courts are venal.  ‘You shot an 89-year-old Serb grandmother? mocked a UN narcotics officer.  ‘Good for you.  Get out of jail.

Although Security Council Resolution 1244 recognises Kosovo as an integral part of Yugoslavia, multinational companies are being offered ten- and 15-year leases of the province’s local industries and resources, including the vast Trepca mines, some of the richest mineral deposits in the world.  Overseeing this plundered, now almost ethnically pure future democracy (Blair), are 4,000 American troops at Camp Bondsteel, a 775-acre permanent-base imperial presence. 

Meanwhile, the show trial of Slobodan Milosevic proceeds as farce. Milosevic was a brute; he was also a banker once regarded as the west’s man who was prepared to implement economic reforms in keeping with IMF, World Bank and European Union demands; to his cost, he refused to surrender sovereignty.  The empire expects nothing less.  John Pilger, article December 2004, ‘Reminders of Kosovo’

 

 

Ten years in power, three election victories, Tony Blair has been the most successful leader ever in the history of the British Labour Party.  The Blair Decade I, BBC 2007

 

The gap between the very rich and very poor is bigger.   ibid.

 

On May 1st 1997 Britain’s voters had put an end to almost two decades of Conservative rule and swept Tony Blair into power.   ibid.

 

Tony Blair’s first unsuccessful campaign for parliament came in 1979; he finally made it in 1993.   ibid.

 

The two men [Blair & Brown] met at a restaurant and made a deal.   ibid.

 

Blair had come to office with some big ambitions but few detailed policies for achieving them.   ibid.

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